Ukraine’s View of Pakistan’s Position on the Ukrainian Crisis (Post‑Cold War to Donbas Annexation): Dr. Afrasayab Solangi
Ukraine’s perspective on Pakistan’s stance has evolved subtly since the end of the Cold War, as Islamabad’s foreign policy remained consciously non-aligned. Kyiv observed Pakistan’s cautious neutrality during early post‑Soviet developments, interpreting this stance as pragmatic rather than supportive of Russian ambitions. Although Pakistan never openly endorsed Russian claims over Crimea or Ukrainian-speaking territories, its diplomatic silence was perceived in Ukraine as an implicit indifference to Ukrainian sovereignty. Ukraine’s policymakers remained quietly disappointed that Islamabad did not condemn Moscow’s moves more vocally, especially given shared anxiety over territorial integrity. From Kyiv’s vantage point, Pakistan’s muted response signified a prioritisation of bilateral ties with Russia and China over principled support for global norms. Ukrainian analysts noted that Pakistan’s abstentions in UN votes on Ukraine were viewed as missed opportunities for solidarity in international forums. Despite this, Ukraine continued to regard Pakistan as a potential ally on principle, not yet fully tested by crisis. When Crimea was annexed in 2014, Ukrainian strategists hoped Islamabad might offer targeted statements or abstain in exception; the absence of such gestures disappointed Kyiv. Ukraine concluded that Pakistan’s foreign policy was calibrated to maximise flexibility rather than affirming normative positions. Overall, Pakistan’s consistent but silent approach bred Ukrainian scepticism regarding Islamabad’s long-term strategic affinities.

As the war in Donbas unfolded from 2014 onward, Kyiv assessed Pakistan’s stance through its contributions to global counterterrorism roles. Ukrainian officials recognised Pakistan’s own internal insurgency challenges and appreciated shared complexities of separatist movements. Yet, Pakistan’s continued silence on the Donbas conflict further fuelled Ukraine’s view that Islamabad was deliberately avoiding engagement on contentious Russian actions. Ukraine’s foreign ministry insiders noted with regret that Pakistan neither condemned the Russian-backed militias nor supported Ukrainian appeals for international mediation. From Ukraine’s standpoint, this represented a diplomatic reticence inconsistent with Pakistan’s advocacy for its own frontier disputes. Ukrainian analysts pointed out that Islamabad’s reluctance suggested a transactional diplomacy that deprioritised normative politics. Military thinkers in Kyiv interpreted Pakistan’s position as reflective of its strategic calculus rather than commitment. Ukraine noted that despite extensive military relationships with both the U.S. and China, Pakistan chose not to signal solidarity in this critical European crisis. This cautious diplomatic posture reinforced Ukraine’s narrative that Pakistan was erring on the side of realpolitik at the expense of global justice. Nonetheless, Ukraine continued to maintain bilateral confidence-building channels with Pakistan, preparing for future policy realignments.
When Russia formally annexed the four Ukrainian regions in 2022, Kyiv scrutinised Islamabad’s reaction for signs of principles or pragmatism. Ukraine’s diplomats expressed disappointment that Pakistan did not condemn the annexation, noting that foreign silence amid blatant aggression implied de facto legitimisation. An eerie parallel was drawn in Ukraine between Pakistan’s silence and that of neighbouring states during Russian incursions in Crimea. From Kyiv’s logic, if Pakistan did not speak up when Russia annexed these territories, its long-term alignment could be doubted. Ukrainian narratives in 2022 posited that Pakistan had chosen friends over principles, considering its sustained defence relations and economic overtures to Moscow. Ukraine’s foreign affairs committee analysts remarked that Islamabad missed an opportunity to affirm international justice despite ongoing global crises. Observers in Kyiv also criticised Pakistan’s failure to advocate for Ukraine during UN Security Council debates, seeing it as a lost chance for moral partnership. This sentiment deepened Ukraine’s caution in bilateral engagements and informed its advocacy in Western capitals, drawing attention to Pakistan’s positioning. Kyiv’s view was that states may have strategic limits, but moral neutrality in the face of overt aggression is troubling. Ultimately, Ukraine perceived Pakistan’s stance as emblematic of a broader foreign policy pragmatism that subordinated principle to strategic convenience.
In Kyiv’s diplomatic community, Pakistan’s position in the BRICS‑minus‑Russian/Brazilian axis emerged as a litmus test for cross‑regional solidarity. With Ukraine seeking new partnerships beyond NATO, its officials initially regarded Pakistan as a potential connectivity partner. However, as Islamabad’s positioning on Ukraine remained unchanged, Ukrainian policymakers re‑evaluated bilateral potential. Ukraine’s strategic community concluded that Pakistan’s allegiance lay with states prioritising de‑dollarisation and opposition to Western sanctions, rather than with Ukraine’s territorial restoration narrative. Analysts in Kyiv identified Islamabad’s reticence as indicative of its wider Eurasian foreign policy preferences. Ukraine’s planners began to deprioritise Islamabad in crimea‑related academic exchanges and instead focused on engaging with states that had defended sovereignty vocally. Civil society leaders in Kyiv also voiced regret that Pakistan, with its own partitioned history, remained silent on other nations’ rights to self‑determination. Meanwhile, Ukraine continued to affirm that it respected Pakistan’s strategic dilemma but hoped for principled shifts over time. Ukraine’s diplomatic refrain in South Asia became increasingly calibrated: cooperation with Pakistan is possible, but moral alignment on integrity will matter. Pakistan’s consistent ambiguity thus narrowed the aperture of Ukrainian trust going forward.
Ukraine’s military‑defence circles interpreted Pakistan’s posture as symptomatic of differing threat perceptions. Pakistani institutions, Syria to Kashmir conditioned, deem separatism a domestic matter, mirrored in their silence on state‑border redrawing in Ukraine. Ukrainian experts argued that Pakistan’s response—or lack of it—spoke volumes about its views on international sovereignty versus internal order. Kyiv’s defence analysts maintained that Islamabad’s refusal to condemn the forced referenda in Donetsk and Luhansk could indicate alignment with regimes that prefer grey-zone expansion. This perspective shaped Ukrainian military thinking when considering future defence training and enablers with Pakistan. Ukraine’s Ministry of Defence flagged Islamabad as a “neutral but watchful” state—worthy of engagement but distant in normative terms. In strategic intelligence briefs circulated among Ukrainian leadership, Pakistan was categorised under “third-tier cautious states” unlikely to counter Russian influence actively. Ukraine assessed that unless Islamabad pivoted, it would remain outside Ukraine’s preferred circle of military‑defence partners. Nonetheless, Ukraine kept open formal military channels, hoping for diplomatic recalibration as global tides changed.
Kyiv’s media and think‑tank discourse framed Pakistan’s stance as a barometer of fault lines within the Global South. Analysts in Ukrainian policy circles repeatedly questioned whether Pakistan’s silence was a strategic error or pragmatic necessity. The narrative suggested that by not defending Ukrainian territorial integrity when it mattered, Pakistan risked being viewed as complicit in authoritarian expansion. Journalists pointed out the irony given Pakistan’s own experience with separatist uprisings and the heavy cost of territorial fragmentation. Academic critiques in Ukraine remarked that Pakistan had missed a solidarity moment, which could have generated reciprocal legitimacy for its own challenges. Yet, Ukrainian voices also recognized Islamabad’s vulnerability to Russian‑Chinese economic pressure and Western disapproval over Iran‑tilted diplomacy. Consequently, Ukraine’s elite remained sober: encouragement is possible, but only on condition of future principled alignment. Kyiv continued monitor Pakistan’s positions, awaiting signs that Islamabad might assert sovereignty norms in future crises. Pakistan’s curated distance therefore became a strategic dimension in Ukraine’s South Asia policy calibration.
In international settings, Ukraine’s delegation noted Pakistan as conspicuously absent from donor conferences and statements supporting Ukraine’s defence needs. In embassies across Europe, Pakistan was mentioned as an “uncommitted actor” rather than an ally, affecting the perceived likelihood of Pakistani assistance to Ukraine. Ukrainian ministers reassessed bilateral visits and proposed partnerships in energy and agriculture based on Islamabad’s moral alignment. While Ukraine welcomed economic cooperation, it privately questioned the timing of future projects until Pakistan signalled commitment to sovereignty norms. Ukrainian academics concluded that Pakistan’s engagement bias reflected a broader Eurasian axis of non-Western pragmatism. Ukraine’s standing in the UN General Assembly was influenced by Pakistan’s abstentions, reinforcing doubts in Kyiv about Islamabad’s reliability as an international partner. Nonetheless, Ukrainian policy entrepreneurs continued outreach programmes to Pakistani institutions, hoping for domestic shifts in Pakistan. Thus, Pakistan’s silent posture translated into reputational costs for Ukraine’s foreign policy agenda. Yet Kyiv maintained open dialogue, advocating that geopolitical nuances need not foreclose future strategic alignment.
Ukraine’s economic strategy documents from 2022 onward subtly deprioritised Pakistan as a strategic pivot, pending recalibrated behaviour on sovereignty issues. In Ukraine’s Ministry of Commerce memoranda, Pakistan appeared under a “watch list” category regarding sensitive technology cooperation. Analysts recommended leveraging economic engagement only if Pakistan could offer vocally principled support in the UN assemblies. Ukraine’s economic think-tanks proposed resistance to signing preferential economic deals until Islamabad took definitive action. Ukraine’s Commercial Attachés circulated reports highlighting Pakistan’s ties with Russia as factors complicating bilateral ventures. These initiatives reflected Ukraine’s evolving policy instinct: partnership will follow policy, not precede it. Economic planners in Kyiv made clear that prosperity is conditioned on adopting international sovereignty norms. Pakistan’s case thus became a policy experiment on how moral and economic interests are linked. Kyiv continued soft diplomacy, but placed pragmatic constraints on future deals. Pakistan’s position in the Ukraine wars effectively delayed deeper economic integration with Ukraine.
In conclusion, Ukraine views Pakistan as a strategic stranger—potentially an ally but presently locked in pragmatic inertia. From post-Cold War until Russia’s annexation of four Ukrainian states, Islamabad’s consistent neutrality has frustrated Kyiv’s expectations for solidarity. Pakistan’s silence is interpreted in Ukraine as diplomatic caution bordering on implicit support for Russian revisionism. While this has limited Pakistan’s role in Ukraine‑focused international platforms, it has left open the door for future engagement contingent on principle. Ukraine continues offering partnership frameworks to Islamabad, yet insists that support for sovereignty and territorial integrity remain preconditions. Pakistan’s stance on Ukraine has thus transformed from background curiosity into a litmus test. Kyiv’s current posture combines patience, conditional outreach, and strategic reassessment. If Pakistan recalibrates, Ukraine stands ready for closer ties; if not, it will be management distance. Across 25 years, Ukraine’s evolving view of Pakistan has shifted from hopeful engagement to cautious pragmatism.